The suicide by Gajendra
Singh Kalyavat in an Aam Admi Party rally on April 22 in the national capital
had sharply brought into focus the plight of the farmers in the country. Sadly,
instead of discussing what made farmers to commit suicide the media and the
politicians debating who was to blame for the death of Gajendra Singh. What was
his financial status? Was the suicide note really written by him? Why the AAP
leaders did not call off the rally? etc were the polemics to score brownie
points.
Occasional loan waiver,
better prices, structural changes in marketing, credit at cheaper rates etc are
policy prescriptions bandied about by the pundits. These prescriptions may have
some placebo effect and will not solve the farmers’ problems in a sustainable
manner because the very base with which the farmers operate is so tiny that
even in the best of the conditions they cannot eke out a decent living. Any
natural disaster such as the unseasonal rains in North India would push them
over the cliff. Instead the focus should be how to supplement the farm income
from other activities.
I am reproducing an
article written by me in the Hindu Businessline newspaper on November 25, 1999
titled Wanted, a new deal for rural India. I believe the issues highlighted then are
relevant even today.
Wanted, a new deal for
rural India
S.R. Asokan
Published in The Hindu
Businessline on Nov 25, 1999
In the ninth year post- liberalization,
market is the new mantra, replacing the discredited· socialistic pattern of
planning, growth and distribution. However, the vast majority remain outside
the market mechanism mostly in rural India eking out a living on meager
resources. Naturally, the benefits of liberalization have largely bypassed
them.
Successive governments have not accorded
due importance to agriculture. Except for making the right noises nothing much
has been done- to raise rural incomes. The present BJP-Ied coalition Government
promises to unleash a second generation of reforms targeting agriculture and
allied sectors, but is yet to find a Cabinet minister for the Agriculture
Ministry. The attention agriculture is getting can be gauged from the clamour
for ministries such as finance, Industry, commerce, and so on, by the National
.Democratic Alliance (NDA) constituents, there were no takers for the
agriculture portfolio. Yet, the challenges faced by the Agriculture Ministry
are no less daunting than those in 'high profile' ministries.
The average size of agricultural
holdings in India is 1.55 hectares. Nearly 60 per cent of the farmers,
constituting 63 million farm families, own less than one hectare - that is, 315
million people depend on such small holdings for their livelihood.
The average size of a marginal farm
is 0.39 hectare. Assuming that the farmers can grow, two crops a. year and can
choose the crops to' be grown, such as paddy, wheat, bajra, sugarcane and
cotton the income from the best· possible combination of these crops does not
exceed Rs 4,000 per annum (see Table). If the rental value of land is deducted
from the cost the income level rises to Rs. 8,000.
These marginal farmers 'supplement
their income by doubling as agricultural laborers, rearing milch animals, and
so on. Thus, they strive to make a living with some dignity rather than slip
into destitution. In addition to the millions of marginal farmers, there are an
estimated 70 million landless agricultural laborers in the country.
It has to be conceded that there
are variations across the States with regard to development; resource
endowments and so on. For example, a marginal farmer in Punjab may be better
off than a small farmer in Maharashtra or Gujarat. The average size of a
marginal farm is 0.17 hectare in Kerala - with the high level of literacy, one
does 'not presume that they eke out a living from this small patch of land
alone; but the same cannot hold true in Orissa and Bihar. Whichever way one
looks at it, there are more than 370 million rural Indians barely able to make
ends meet.
There is no way the benefits of liberalization
would reach them unless some urgent and drastic measures are adopted. An
export-Ied growth strategy for agriculture as advocated by some has no
relevance to the marginal farmers as they consume most of whatever they
produce. Therefore, the emphasis should be to improve the skill levels of these
multitudes and reduce their dependence on agriculture and allied activities.
Cost
and returns from various crops for 1995-96 for 0.39 hectares
|
|
Sugarcane
|
Cotton
|
Paddy
|
Wheat
|
Bajra
|
|
Value of the main and by product
|
16,369
|
6,022
|
7,399
|
6,998
|
2,252
|
|
Cost of cultivation
|
12,315
|
3,831
|
5,947
|
5,398
|
2,247
|
|
Net returns
|
4,054
|
2,191
|
1,452
|
1,600
|
5
|
|
Rental value of land
|
2,711
|
1,003
|
1,990
|
1,939
|
665
|
|
returns
|
6,765
|
3,194
|
3,442
|
3,536
|
670
|
Source: Report of Commission on
Agriculture Costs and Prices, 1997-98. Ministry of Agriculture
Though there are several Central
schemes that aim to provide gainful employment to such people, the efforts de
not match the enormity, of the problem The Training of Rural Youth in Self Employment
(TRYSEM) scheme in operation for the past two decades; aims at training rural
youth in the 18-35 age group in some trade, to help them get wage employment or
start their own small businesses. Though the scheme was well-formulated, the implementation
has been tardy. Evaluation studies of the scheme have found that the training was
for too short a period, not enough to improve the skills of the trainees.
Further, Identifying the youth and
finding suitable trades matching their aptitudes was often difficult. The few trained
youths also found· it difficult to get Small loans from commercial banks to
start their business.
Another important scheme is the Jawahar
Rozgar Yojana (JRY). It aims to provide employment to marginal farmers and
agricultural laborers during the lean season. The supplementary income
generated is crucial for the survival of many poor families. According to the
latest Economic Survey, the wages earned under the JRY were but a small
proportion of the amount required helping the beneficiaries cross the poverty
line.
Thus, the whole approach to poverty
alleviation needs to be reviewed. Instead of introducing new schemes, the
existing ones should be reformulated and strengthened, and their implementation
properly monitored and evaluated. The approach should address both short and
long-term issues. In the short run the JRY should be continued to put the vital
extra income in the hands of the underprivileged.
The TRYSEM should be expanded, say
up to the age of 45. Those in the upper
end may be trained for the skills required locally. The younger members of the group, depending
on their educational qualification, should be given longer periods of training
to enable them to move out of agriculture. The kind of skills and the quality
of manpower needed in a district should be studied and the training provided
accordingly. Wherever possible the
corporate sector could be co-opted in this vital task. Its technical and
managerial skills could be used for training. The big and medium industries
located in a district could be approached for such services. Special and
intensive efforts have to be made in the backward districts.
Apart from improving the traditional
skills, new skills - with the help of modern technology, - must be introduced. For
example, the Bangladesh Grameen Bank, apart from helping small businesses
(mostly run by women), provide a cell-phone network throughout the country. In
India, photocopying centres and STD booths have generated a lot self-employment
for the youth in several small towns. Therefore, the key is identifying the
needs and catering to them.
Rural youth themselves could be consulted
on the kind of skills they wish acquire. The youths trained in self employment
must form self-help groups to generate their own credit with minimum assistance
from commercial banks.
The approach to poverty alleviation
should be both short and long-term. In the short term, employment guaranteed schemes,
such as the JRY, should be continued. In the long term say the three-five
years, the overall skill level of the youth should be improved. The strategy must
be to raise the income of the vast multitude so that they can economic
mainstream and the benefit of market-dependent growth percolate down to them.
As Noam Chomsky put it, “Freedom without
opportunity is a devil’s gift and the refusal to provide such opportunity is
criminal. The fate of the more vulnerable offers a sharper measure of the distance
from here to something that might be called civilization”.
Published in The Hindu
Businessline on Nov 25, 1999